Finding hope after Bhutto's death
By Alessio Cei
The death of Benazir Bhutto on Dec. 27 at the hands of a suicide bomber may not have drawn much attention from students, but it is one of the most devastating losses in the ongoing struggle against radical Islamists.
Bhutto was the first female prime minister of an Islamic nation, and in many ways, her terms in office were groundbreaking. Elected for the first time in 1988, she ushered in an era of democracy in Pakistan after years of repressive military rule by General Zia-ul-Haq, who executed her father, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, not far from where Benazir herself was killed.
Zia is best remembered for his religiosity and especially for the way he imposed it upon Pakistanis. Such impositions include the creation of Shar'ia courts, the rollback of women's rights and his support for the mujahedeen, which eventually evolved into the Taliban and al-Qaeda.
Had she lived to hold office again, Bhutto would have been a fierce and determined foe of radical Islam. She had much at stake personally, both as a woman and a Shi'a Muslim, and had the admiration and support of much of Pakistan.
A September 2006 poll carried out by Terror Free Tomorrow found that Bhutto was viewed favorably by an overwhelming 63 percent of Pakistanis, a particularly impressive number considering how deeply ethnicity and religion divide sectors of Pakistani society. If only Iraq could give us a politician capable of bridging such divides.
Pakistan's current president, General Pervez Musharraf, on the other hand, was found to be less popular than Osama bin Laden in the same poll.
It was for these reasons that the Islamists worked so hard to bring Bhutto down. Their agenda flourishes best in an atmosphere of repression, such as Musharraf's military dictatorship, which has seen a rapid growth in the spread and power of radical Islamists. Neither Musharraf nor the Islamists have any desire to see democracy thrive in Pakistan, which is why a good part of the blame for Benazir Bhutto's death has landed on Musharraf.
He has been accused repeatedly of ignoring her requests for increased security. Also, the perpetually changing official account of her cause of death makes it appear as though the government has something to hide. At various times, gunshot wounds, shrapnel and hitting her head on the sunroof lever were all given as reasons for Bhutto's death.
Furthermore, after the suicide bombing in Karachi that greeted Bhutto when she returned to Pakistan in late 2006, some witnesses said they saw fire trucks hosing down the crime scene.
You don't need to be a fan of CSI to realize that means much of the evidence from the blast was washed away deliberately by government officials.
All this has served to incense Bhutto's family and political party (the Pakistani People's Party) against Musharraf. Though Musharraf again delayed elections after Bhutto's death -- to Feb. 18 -- it seems likely that when they are finally held, sympathy for Bhutto and outrage at Musharraf will create a huge sweep for the PPP.
Bhutto's civilian political rival, Nawaz Sharif, has repeatedly proclaimed his solidarity with the PPP and his regret over Bhutto's death, making it likely that if the PPP does not win an actual majority in parliament, it will find a ready coalition partner in Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League. This will be good news if the coalition truly acts to advance Bhutto's ideals.
Currently, government in Pakistan is dominated by Musharraf's party, which has little purpose other than to bolster his image, and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, a united coalition of Islamist parties opposed to American action against terrorists in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
A new, democratic, secular coalition would eliminate much of the political cover that the terrorists now enjoy, and pave the way for true international cooperation on the issue.
If this happens, perhaps the world will see some good emerge from the tragedy of Bhutto's death.
Alessio Cei is a senior political science major.